"ජෝසෆ් ගොබල්ස්" හි සංශෝධන අතර වෙනස්කම්

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|predecessor2 = ''Post Created''
|successor2 = [[Werner Naumann]]
|birth_date = {{birth date|1897|10|29|mf=y}}<br />[[Rheydt]], [[Kingdom of Prussia|Prussia]], [[German Empire|Germany]]
|death_date = {{death date and age|df=yes|1945|5|1|1897|10|29}}<br />[[Berlin]], [[Nazi Germany|Germany]]
|party =[[National Socialist German Workers' Party]] (NSDAP)
|spouse = [[Magda Goebbels]]
|alma_mater = [[University of Bonn]] <br /> [[University of Würzburg]] <br /> [[University of Freiburg]] <br /> [[University of Heidelberg]]
|occupation = [[Politician]]
|signature = Goebbelssig.JPG
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Goebbels used modern [[propaganda]] techniques to manipulate and psychologically prepare the German people for aggressive war and the annihilation of civilian populations. Among other propaganda devices, he accused Germany's victims (such as the Poles, the Jews, the French) of trying to destroy Germany, claiming that Germany's belligerent actions were taken in self-defense.
 
During [[World War II]], Goebbels increased his power and influence through shifting alliances with other Nazi leaders. By late 1943, the tide of the war was turning against the [[Axis powers of World War II|Axis]] powers, but this only spurred Goebbels to intensify the propaganda by urging the Germans to accept the idea of [[total war]] and mobilization. Goebbels remained with Hitler in [[Berlin]] to the end, and following the Führer's [[suicide]] he was the second person to serve as the Third Reich's Chancellor &mdash; albeit for one day. In his final hours, Goebbels and his wife, [[Magda Goebbels|Magda]], killed their six young [[Goebbels children|children]]. Shortly after, Goebbels and his wife [[Magda Goebbels|Magda]] both committed suicide.
 
== Early life ==
Goebbels was born in [[Rheydt]], an industrial town south of [[Mönchengladbach]] (of which it is now part) on the edge of the [[Ruhr]] district.<ref>There are currently no really reliable biographical sources for Goebbels in [[English language|English]]. Older biographies have been rendered obsolete by the discovery of the complete ''[[Goebbels Diaries]]'' in the [[Moscow]] archives in 1992. Since then the only full biography in English has been [[David Irving]]’s ''Goebbels: Mastermind of the Third Reich'' (1996). There are biographical sketches in [[Joachim Fest]], ''The Face of the Third Reich'' (Weidenfeld and Nicholson 1970), 83–97, and [[Richard J. Evans]], ''The Coming of the Third Reich'' (Penguin 2003), 203–205.</ref> His family were Catholics of modest means, his father a factory clerk, his mother originally a farmhand. He had four siblings: Hans (1893–1947), Konrad (1895–1949), Elisabeth (1901–1915) and Maria (born 1910, later married to the German filmmaker [[Max W. Kimmich]]). Goebbels was educated at a christian school [[gymnasium (school)|Gymnasium]], or secondary school, where he completed his [[Abitur]] (university entrance examination) in 1916. Beginning in childhood, he had a deformed right leg, the result either of [[club foot]] or [[osteomyelitis]].<ref>Goebbels is commonly said to have had [[club foot]] (''talipes equinovarus''), a congenital condition. But [[William L. Shirer]], who spent the 1930s in Berlin as a journalist and was acquainted with Goebbels, wrote in ''[[The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich]]'' ([[Simon and Schuster]] 1960) that the deformity arose from a childhood attack of [[osteomyelitis]] and a botched operation to correct it. Osteomyelitis, an infection within the [[bone marrow]], can cause the destruction of one or more of the growing points in the long bones of the leg, a condition known as ''septic osteoblastic dysgenesis''. This will result in a shortened leg.</ref> He wore a metal brace and special shoe to compensate for his shortened leg, but nevertheless walked with a limp all his life. As a result of these conditions, he was rejected for military service in [[World War I]], which he bitterly resented. He later frequently misrepresented himself as a war veteran and misrepresented his disability as a war wound.<ref>Fest, The Face of the Third Reich, 88</ref> The nearest he came to military service was as an "office soldier" from June 1917 to October 1917 in Rheydt's "Patriotic Help Unit".<ref>[http://forum.axishistory.com/viewtopic.php?t=70253 Axis History link]</ref>
 
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<blockquote>This was the source of his hatred of the intellect, which was a form of self-hatred, his longing to degrade himself, to submerge himself in the ranks of the masses, which ran curiously parallel with his ambition and his tormenting need to distinguish himself. He was incessantly tortured by the fear of being regarded as a ‘[[bourgeois]] intellectual’… It always seemed as if he were offering blind devotion (to Nazism) to make up for his lack of all those characteristics of the racial elite which nature had denied him.<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 87</ref></blockquote>
 
== Nazi Activist ==
[[Imageගොනුව:Goebbelsdocument.jpg|thumb|Goebbels's 1938 ticket for public transport by the Reichspost, identitifying him as a member of the Reichstag.]]
Like others who were later prominent in the [[Third Reich]], Goebbels came into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923, during the campaign of resistance to the [[Occupation of the Ruhr|French occupation of the Ruhr]]. Hitler’s imprisonment following the failed November 1923 "[[Beer Hall Putsch]]" left the party temporarily leaderless, and when the 27-year-old Goebbels joined the party in late 1924 the most important influence on his political development was [[Gregor Strasser]], who became Nazi organizer in northern Germany in March 1924. Strasser ("the most able of the leading Nazis" of this period)<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', Volume I (W.W. Norton 1999), 270</ref> took the "socialist" component of National Socialism far more seriously than did Hitler and other members of the Bavarian leadership of the party.
 
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In February 1926, Hitler, having finished working on ''[[Mein Kampf]]'', made a sudden return to party affairs and soon disabused the northerners of any illusions about where he stood. He summoned about sixty gauleiters and other activists, including Goebbels, to a meeting at [[Bamberg]], in Streicher’s Gau of [[Franconia]], where he gave a two-hour speech repudiating the political programme of the "socialist" wing of the party. For Hitler, the real enemy of the German people was always the Jews, not the [[capitalism|capitalists]]. Goebbels was bitterly disillusioned. "I feel devastated," he wrote. "What sort of Hitler? A [[reactionary]]?" He was horrified by Hitler’s characterization of socialism as "a Jewish creation," his declaration that the [[Soviet Union]] must be destroyed, and his assertion that private property would not be expropriated by a Nazi government. "I no longer fully believe in Hitler. That’s the terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 275</ref>
 
Hitler, however, recognized Goebbels’s talents, and he was a shrewd judge of character; he knew that Goebbels craved recognition above all else. In April, he brought Goebbels to Munich, sending his own car to meet him at the railway station, and gave him a long private audience. Hitler berated Goebbels over his support for the "socialist" line, but offered to "wipe the slate clean" if Goebbels would now accept his leadership. Goebbels capitulated completely, offering Hitler his total loyalty &mdash; a pledge which was clearly sincere, and which he adhered to until the end of his life. "I love him… He has thought through everything," Goebbels wrote. "Such a sparkling mind can be my leader. I bow to the greater one, the political [[genius]]. Later he wrote: "Adolf Hitler, I love you because you are both great and simple at the same time. What one calls a genius."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 277</ref> Fest writes:
 
<blockquote>From this point on he submitted himself, his whole existence, to his attachment to the person of the Führer, consciously eliminating all inhibitions springing from intellect, [[free will]] and self-respect. Since this submission was an act less of faith than of insight, it stood firm through all vicissitudes to the end. ‘He who forsakes the Führer withers away,’ he would later write.</blockquote>
 
== Propagandist in Berlin ==
 
In October 1926, Hitler rewarded Goebbels for his new loyalty by making him the party "[[Gauleiter]]" for the Berlin section of the National Socialists. Goebbels was then able to use the new position to indulge his literary aspirations in the German capital, which he perceived to be a stronghold of the socialists and communists. Here, Goebbels discovered his talent as a propagandist, writing such tracts as 1926's ''The Second Revolution'' and ''Lenin or Hitler''.<ref> ''Current Biography 1941'', pp.323-26</ref>
 
Here, he was also able to indulge his heretofore latent taste for violence, if only vicariously through the actions of the street fighters under his command. History, he said, "is made in the street," and he was determined to challenge the dominant parties of the left &mdash; the [[Social Democratic Party (Germany)|Social Democrats]] and [[Communist Party of Germany|Communists]] &mdash; in the streets of Berlin.<ref>Anthony Read and David Fisher, ''Berlin: The Biography of a City'' (Pimlico 1994), 187–189</ref> Working with the local [[Sturmabteilung|S.A.]] (stormtrooper) leaders, he deliberately provoked beer-hall battles and street brawls, frequently involving firearms. "Beware, you dogs," he wrote to his former "friends of the left": "When [[the Devil]] is loose in me you will not curb him again." When the inevitable deaths occurred, he exploited them for the maximum effect, turning the street fighter [[Horst Wessel]], who was killed at his home by enemy political activists, into a martyr and hero.<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 90</ref>
 
In Berlin, Goebbels was able to give full expression to his genius for propaganda, as editor of the Berlin Nazi newspaper ''[[Der Angriff]]'' (''The Attack'') and as the author of a steady stream of Nazi posters and handbills. "He rose within a few months to be the city’s most feared agitator."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 90</ref> His propaganda techniques were totally cynical: "That propaganda is good which leads to success, and that is bad which fails to achieve the desired result," he wrote. "It is not propaganda’s task to be intelligent, its task is to lead to success."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 90</ref>
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Among his favorite targets were socialist leaders such as [[Hermann Müller (politician)|Hermann Müller]] and [[Carl Severing]], and the Jewish Berlin Police President, [[Bernhard Weiss (police official)|Bernhard Weiss]], whom he subjected to a relentless campaign of Jew-baiting in the hope of provoking a crackdown which he could then exploit. The [[Social Democrat]] city government obliged in 1927 with an eight-month ban on the party, which Goebbels exploited to the limit. When a friend criticized him for denigrating Weiss, a man with an exemplary military record, "he explained cynically that he wasn’t in the least interested in Weiss, only in the propaganda effect."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 90</ref>
 
Goebbels also discovered a talent for [[oratory]], and was soon second in the Nazi movement only to Hitler as a public speaker. Where Hitler’s style was hoarse and passionate, Goebbels’s was cool, sarcastic and often humorous: he was a master of biting invective and insinuation, although he could whip himself into a [[rhetoric]]al frenzy if the occasion demanded. Unlike Hitler, however, he retained a cynical detachment from his own rhetoric. He openly acknowledged that he was exploiting the lowest instincts of the German people &mdash; [[racism]], [[xenophobia]], [[class envy]] and insecurity. He could, he said, play the popular will like a piano, leading the masses wherever he wanted them to go. "He drove his listeners into ecstasy, making them stand up, sing songs, raise their arms, repeat oaths — and he did it, not through the passionate inspiration of the moment, but as the result of sober [[psychology|psychological]] calculation."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 92</ref>
 
Goebbels’s words and actions made little impact on the political loyalties of Berlin.<ref>Hamilton, ''Who Voted for Hitler?'', discusses Goebbels's record as an election campaigner. Hamilton notes: "In National Socialist literature, as well as in the writings of the party's opponents, much attention has been given to the masterly [[demagogue|demagogic]] efforts of the Berlin Gauleiter, Joseph Goebbels, showing an extraordinary appreciation of [[group psychology|crowd psychology]], so it is said, he manipulated audiences with unequalled skill. Goebbels's accomplishment, however, as measured by... voting results, was at all times inferior to that of his less well known colleagues in [[Hamburg]]." (109)</ref> At the 1928 [[Reichstag (institution)|Reichstag]] elections, the Nazis polled less than two percent of the vote in Berlin compared with 33 percent for the Social Democrats and 25 percent for the Communists. At this election Goebbels was one of the 10 Nazis elected to the Reichstag, which brought him a salary of 750 [[Reichsmark]]s a month and [[legal immunity|immunity from prosecution]].<ref>Read and Fisher, Berlin, 189</ref> Even when the impact of the [[Great Depression]] led to an enormous surge in support for the Nazis across Germany, Berlin resisted the party’s appeal more than any other part of Germany: at its peak in 1932, the Nazi Party polled 28 percent in Berlin to the combined left’s 55 percent.<ref>[http://www.gonschior.de/weimar/Preussen/Berlin/Uebersicht_RTW.html Wahlen in der Weimarer Republik website]</ref> But his outstanding talents, and the obvious fact that he stood high in Hitler’s regard, earned Goebbels the grudging respect of the anti-intellectual brawlers of the Nazi movement, who called him "our little doctor" with a mixture of affection and amusement. By 1928, still aged only 31, he was acknowledged to be one of the inner circle of Nazi leaders. "The [[S.A.]] would have let itself be hacked to bits for him," wrote Horst Wessel in 1929.<ref>Evans, ''The Coming of the Third Reich'', 208</ref>
 
[[Imageගොනුව:Bundesarchiv Bild 119-2406-01, Berlin-Lustgarten, Rede Joseph Goebbels.jpg|thumb|upright|Goebbels speaking at a political rally against the [[Lausanne Conference of 1932|Lausanne Conference]] (1932)]]
 
The [[Great Depression]] led to a new resurgence of "left" sentiment in some sections of the Nazi Party, led by Gregor Strasser’s brother [[Otto Strasser|Otto]], who argued that the party ought to be competing with the Communists for the loyalties of the unemployed and the industrial workers by promising to expropriate the capitalists. Hitler, whose dislike of [[working-class]] militancy reflected his social origins in the small-town [[lower-middle class]], was thoroughly opposed to this line. He recognized that the growth in Nazi support at the 1930 elections had mainly come from the [[middle class]] and from farmers, and he was now busy building bridges to the [[upper middle class]]es and to German business. In April 1930, he fired Strasser as head of the Nazi Party national propaganda apparatus and appointed Goebbels to replace him, giving him control of the party’s national newspaper, the ''[[Völkischer Beobachter]]'' (''People’s Observer''), as well as other Nazi papers across the country. Goebbels, although he continued to show "leftish" tendencies in some of his actions (such as co-operating with the Communists in supporting the Berlin transport workers' strike in November 1932),<ref>Hamilton, ''Who Voted for Hitler'', 389. Hamilton notes that ''Der Angriff'' struck a noticeably "anti-bourgeois" tone in the last years of the [[Weimar Republic]] (416).</ref> was totally loyal to Hitler in his struggle with the Strassers, which culminated in Otto’s expulsion from the party in July 1930.<ref>Gregor lost all his power but remained nominal head of the party organization until 1932: he was murdered in 1934 in the [[Night of the Long Knives]]. Otto went into [[exile]].</ref>
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Despite his [[revolutionary]] rhetoric, Goebbels’s most important contribution to the Nazi cause between 1930 and 1933 was as the organizer of successive election campaigns: The Reichstag elections of September 1930, July and November 1932 and March 1933, and Hitler’s presidential campaign of March–April 1932. He proved to be an organizer of genius, choreographing Hitler’s dramatic aeroplane tours of Germany and pioneering the use of radio and cinema for electoral campaigning. The Nazi Party’s use of torchlight parades, brass bands, massed choirs and similar techniques caught the imagination of many voters, particularly young people. "His propaganda headquarters in Munich sent out a constant stream of directives to local and regional party sections, often providing fresh slogans and fresh material for the campaign."<ref>Evans, ''The Coming of the Third Reich'', 259. Evans notes that many Nazi voters in the party’s breakthrough election in 1930 were young or other first-time voters, brought to the polls by the excitement generated by Goebbels’s campaign techniques.</ref> Although the spectacular rise in the Nazi vote in 1930 and July 1932 was caused mainly by the effects of the Depression, Goebbels as party campaign manager was naturally given much of the credit.
 
== Propaganda Minister ==
When Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor of Germany on 30 January 1933, Goebbels was initially given no office: the coalition cabinet which Hitler headed contained only a minority of Nazis as part of the deal he had negotiated with President [[Paul von Hindenburg]] and the [[conservative]] parties. But as the propaganda head of the ruling party, a party which had no great respect for the law, he immediately began to behave as though he were in power. He commandeered the state radio to produce a live broadcast of the torchlight parade which celebrated Hitler’s assumption of office. On 13 March, Goebbels had his reward for his part in bringing the Nazis to power by being appointed [[Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda|Reich Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda]] (''Volksaufklärung und Propaganda''), with a seat in the Cabinet.
 
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Goebbels insisted that German high culture must be allowed to carry on, both for reasons of international prestige and to win the loyalty of the upper middle classes, who valued art forms such as [[opera]] and the [[symphony]]. He thus became to some extent the protector of the arts as well as their regulator. In this, he had the support of Hitler, a passionate devotee of [[Richard Wagner]]. But Goebbels always had to bow to Hitler’s views. Hitler loathed [[modernism]] of all kinds, and Goebbels (whose own tastes were sympathetic to modernism) was forced to acquiesce in imposing very [[traditionalist]] forms on the artistic and musical worlds. The music of [[Paul Hindemith]], for example, was banned simply because Hitler did not like it.
 
Goebbels also resisted the complete Nazification of the arts because he knew that the masses must be allowed some respite from slogans and propaganda. He ensured that film studios such as [[Universum Film AG|UFA]] at [[Babelsberg]] near Berlin continued to produce a stream of comedies and light romances, which drew mass audiences to the cinema where they would also watch propaganda newsreels and Nazi epics. His abuse of his position as Propaganda Minister and the reputation that built up around his use of the "casting couch" was well known. Many actresses wrote later of how Goebbels had tried to lure them to his home. He acquired the nickname "Bock von Babelsberg" lit: "Babelsberg Stud". He resisted considerable pressure to ban all foreign films &mdash; helped by the fact that Hitler was a big fan of [[Mickey Mouse]]. For the same reason, Goebbels worked to bring culture to the masses &mdash; promoting the sale of cheap radios, organising free concerts in factories, staging art exhibitions in small towns and establishing mobile cinemas to bring the movies to every village. All of this served short-term propaganda ends, but also served to reconcile the German people, particularly the working class, to the regime.<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 210</ref>
 
== Goebbels and the Jews ==
Despite the enormous power of the Propaganda Ministry over German cultural life, Goebbels’ status began to decline once the Nazi regime was firmly established in power.<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 93</ref> This was because the real business of the Nazi regime was preparation for war, and although propaganda was a part of this, it was not the main game. By the mid 1930s, Hitler’s most powerful subordinates were [[Hermann Göring]], as head of the [[Four Year Plan]] for crash rearmament, and [[Heinrich Himmler]], head of the [[SS]] and police apparatus. Once the internal enemies of the Nazi Party were destroyed, as they effectively were by 1935, Goebbels’s propaganda efforts began to lose their point, and without an enemy to fight, his rhetoric began to sound hollow and unconvincing.
 
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The result of Goebbels’ incitement was [[Kristallnacht]], the "Night of Broken Glass," during which the S.A. and Nazi Party went on a rampage of anti-Jewish violence and destruction, killing at least 90 and maybe as many as 200&nbsp;people (not counting several hundred suicides), destroying over a thousand [[synagogue]]s and hundreds of Jewish businesses and homes, and dragging some 30,000 Jews off to concentration camps, where at least another thousand died before the remainder were released after several months of brutal treatment. The longer-term effect was to drive 80,000 Jews to emigrate, most leaving behind all their property in their desperation to escape. Foreign opinion reacted with horror, bringing to a sudden end the climate of [[appeasement]] of Nazi Germany in the western democracies. Goebbels’s pogrom thus moved Germany significantly closer to war, at a time when rearmament was still far from complete. Göring and some other Nazi leaders were furious at Goebbels’ actions, about which they had not been consulted.<ref>Adam Tooze, ''Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy'' (Allen Lane 2006), 278. Göring estimated that Kristallnacht caused 220&nbsp;million Reichsmarks of material damage. Himmler, [[Albert Speer]] and Rosenberg, for different reasons, were also highly critical of Goebbels (Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 149</ref> Goebbels, however, was delighted. "As was to be expected, the entire nation is in uproar," he wrote. "This is one dead man who is costing the Jews dear. Our darling Jews will think twice in future before gunning down German diplomats."<ref>Gilbert, ''Kristallnacht'', 29</ref> In 1942 Goebbels was involved in deportation of Berlin's Jews.<ref>[http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Holocaust/goebbels.html] {Jewish Virtual Library}</ref>
 
== Man of power ==
 
These events were well-timed from the point of view of Goebbels’s relations with Hitler. In 1937, he had begun an intense affair with the [[Czechs|Czech]] actress [[Lída Baarová]], causing the break-up of her marriage. When Magda Goebbels learned of this affair in October 1938, she complained to Hitler, a [[conservative]] in sexual matters who was fond of Magda and the Goebbels' young children. He ordered Goebbels to break off his affair, whereupon Goebbels offered his resignation, which Hitler refused. On 15 October, Goebbels attempted suicide. A furious Hitler then ordered Himmler to remove Baarová from Germany, and she was deported to Czechoslovakia, from where she later left for [[Italy]]. These events damaged Goebbels’ standing with Hitler, and his zeal in furthering Hitler’s anti-Semitic agenda was in part an effort to restore his reputation.<ref>This account is taken from the Wikipedia article on Lída Baarová, which is sourced to her memoirs and other Czech-language sources. The connection between the Baarová affair and Goebbels’ role in inciting Kristallnacht is made by Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', Volume II (W.W. Norton 2000), 145)</ref> The Baarová affair, however, did nothing to dampen Goebbels' enthusiasm for womanising. As late as 1943, the [[Hitler Youth]] leader [[Artur Axmann]] was ingratiating himself with Goebbels by procuring young women for him.<ref>Kater, ''Hitler Youth'', 58</ref>
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Whatever the loss of real power suffered by Goebbels during the middle years of the Nazi regime, he remained one of Hitler’s intimates. Since his offices were close to the Chancellery, he was a frequent guest for lunch, during which he became adept at listening to Hitler’s monologues and agreeing with his opinions. In the months leading up to the war, his influence began to increase again. He ranked along with [[Joachim von Ribbentrop]], Göring, Himmler and [[Martin Bormann]] as the senior Nazi with the most access to Hitler, which in an autocratic regime meant access to power. The fact that Hitler was fond of Magda Goebbels and the children also gave Goebbels entrée to Hitler’s inner circle. The Goebbelses were regular visitors to Hitler’s Bavarian mountain retreat, the [[Berghof (Hitler)|Berghof]]. But he was not kept directly informed of military and diplomatic developments, relying on second-hand accounts to hear what Hitler was doing.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 227</ref>
 
== Goebbels at war ==
In the years 1936 to 1939, Hitler, while professing his desire for peace, led Germany firmly and deliberately towards a confrontation.<ref>For the most recent demonstration that Hitler fully intended leading Germany into war and that the whole policy of the regime was directed to this end, see Tooze, Wages of Destruction, particularly 206–29 and 247–60</ref> Goebbels was one of the most enthusiastic proponents of aggressively pursuing Germany's territorial claims sooner rather than later, along with Himmler and Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 226. At the time of the [[Remilitarization of the Rhineland|Reoccupation of the Rhineland]] in 1936, Goebbels summed up his general attitude in his diary: "Now is the time for action. Fortune favours the brave! He who dares nothing wins nothing." (Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 586)</ref> He saw it as his job to make the German people accept this and if possible welcome it. At the time of the [[Munich Agreement|Sudetenland crisis]] in 1938, Goebbels was well aware that the great majority of Germans did not want a war, and used every propaganda resource at his disposal to overcome what he called this "war psychosis," by whipping up sympathy for the [[Sudetenland|Sudeten Germans]] and hatred of the Czechs.<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 674</ref>
After the western powers conceded to Hitler's demands concerning Czechoslovakia in 1938, Goebbels soon redirected his propaganda machine against [[Poland]]. From May onwards, he orchestrated a "hate campaign" against Poland, fabricating stories about atrocities against ethnic Germans in [[Danzig]] and other cities. Even so, he was unable to persuade the majority of Germans to welcome the prospect of war.<ref>Evans, ''The Third Reich in Power'', 696</ref>
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The result was that nothing was done—the Committee of Three declined into irrelevance due to the loss of power by Keitel and Lammers and the ascension of Bormann and the situation continued to drift, with administrative chaos increasingly undermining the war effort. The ultimate responsibility for this lay with Hitler, as Goebbels well knew, referring in his diary to a "crisis of leadership," but Goebbels was too much under Hitler’s spell ever to challenge his power.<ref>The story of the Committee of Three is given by Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 569–577.</ref>
[[Imageගොනුව:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-J05235, Berlin, Großkundgebung im Sportpalast.jpg|thumb|Sports Palace speech]]
Goebbels launched a new offensive to place himself at the center of policy-making. On 18 February, he delivered a passionate "[[Sportpalast speech|Total War Speech]]" at the [[Berlin Sportpalast|Sports Palace]] in Berlin. Goebbels demanded from his audience a commitment to "total war," the complete mobilisation of the German economy and German society for the war effort. To motivate the German people to continue the struggle, he cited three theses as the basis of this argument:
 
143 පේළිය:
Goebbels hoped in this way to persuade Hitler to give him and his ally Speer control of domestic policy for a program of total commitment to arms production and full labor conscription, including women. But Hitler, supported by Göring, resisted these demands, which he feared would weaken civilian morale and lead to a repetition of the debacle of 1918, when the German army had been undermined (in Hitler's view) by a collapse of the home front. Nor was Hitler willing to allow Goebbels or anyone else to usurp his own power as the ultimate source of all decisions. Goebbels privately lamented "a complete lack of direction in German domestic policy," but of course he could not directly criticise Hitler or go against his wishes.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 561–563</ref>
 
== Goebbels and the Holocaust ==
 
[[Heinrich Himmler]], one of the architects of the [[Holocaust]], preferred that the matter not be discussed in public. Despite this, in an editorial in his newspaper ''Das Reich'' in November 1941 he quoted Hitler’s 1939 "prophecy" that the Jews would be the loser in the coming world war.<ref>Goebbels founded ''Das Reich'' in 1940 as a "quality" newspaper in which he could set out his own views for an elite readership. By 1941, it had over a million readers.</ref> Now, he said, Hitler’s prophecy was coming true: "Jewry," he said, "is now suffering the gradual process of annihilation which it intended for us… It now perishes according to its own precept of ‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth’!"<ref>Christopher R. Browing, ''The Origins of the Final Solution'' (University of Nebraska Press, 2004), 391.</ref>
165 පේළිය:
<blockquote>The Jews are now being deported to the east. A fairly barbaric procedure, not to be described in any greater detail, is being used here, and not much more remains of the Jews themselves. In general, it can probably be established that 60 percent of them must be liquidated, while only 40 percent can be put to work […] A judgement is being carried out on the Jews which is barbaric, but fully deserved.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 494</ref></blockquote>
 
== Plenipotentiary for Total War ==
[[Imageගොනුව:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-J31305, Auszeichnung des Hitlerjungen Willi Hübner.jpg|250px|right|thumb|Goebbels inspects members of the German home guard.]]
For Goebbels, 1943 and 1944 were years of struggle to rally the German people behind a regime which was increasingly obviously facing military defeat. The German people’s faith in Hitler was shaken by the disaster at Stalingrad, and never fully recovered.<ref>Kershaw, ''Hitler'', II, 551, 598</ref> During 1943, as the [[Soviet]] armies advanced towards the borders of the Reich, the western [[Allied powers|Allies]] developed the ability to launch devastating air raids on most German cities, including Berlin. At the same time, there were increasingly critical shortages of food, raw materials, fuel and housing. Goebbels and Speer were among the few Nazi leaders who were under no illusions about Germany’s dire situation. Their solution was to seize control of the home front from the indecisive Hitler and the incompetent Göring. This was the agenda of Goebbels’s [[Sportpalast speech|"total war" speech]] of February 1943. But they were thwarted by their inability to challenge Hitler, who could neither make decisions himself nor trust anyone else to do so.
 
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By July 1944, it was in any case too late for Goebbels and Speer’s internal coup to make any real difference to the outcome of the war. The combined economic and military power of the western Allies and the Soviet Union, now fully mobilised, was simply too great for Germany to overcome. A crucial economic indicator, the ratio of steel output, was running at 4.5 to one against Germany. The final blow was the loss of the [[Romania]]n oil fields as the Soviet Army advanced through the [[Balkans]] in September. This, combined with the U.S. air campaign against Germany’s synthetic oil production, finally broke the back of the German economy and thus its capacity for further resistance.<ref>Tooze, ''Wages of Destruction'', 639</ref> By this time, the best Goebbels could do to reassure the German people that victory was still possible was to make vague promises that "miracle weapons" such as the [[Messerschmitt Me 262|Me 262]] jet airplane, the [[German Type XXI submarine|Type XXI U-boat]], and the [[V-2 rocket]] could somehow retrieve the military situation.
 
== Defeat and death ==
In the last months of the war, Goebbels’s speeches and articles took on an increasingly [[apocalypse|apocalyptic]] tone:
 
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Later on 1 May, Vice-Admiral [[Hans-Erich Voss]] saw Goebbels for the last time: "Before the breakout [from the bunker] began, about ten generals and officers, including myself, went down individually to Goebbels's shelter to say goodbye. While saying goodbye I asked Goebbels to join us. But he replied: 'The captain must not leave his sinking ship. I have thought about it all and decided to stay here. I have nowhere to go because with little children I will not be able to make it'."<ref name="Vinogradov, Hitler's Death, 156"/>
[[Fileගොනුව:Bundesarchiv Bild 146-1978-086-03, Joseph Goebbels mit Familie.jpg|thumb|200px|left|The Goebbels family. In background center is Goebbels stepson [[Harald Quandt]]]]
 
At 8 p.m. on the evening of 1 May, Goebbels arranged for an SS doctor, [[Helmut Kunz]], to kill his six children by injecting them with [[morphine]] and then, when they were unconscious, crushing an ampoule of [[cyanide]] in each of their mouths.<ref>Transcript of the testimony of SS-Stürmbannführer Helmut Kunz in Soviet captivity, Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 56.</ref> According to Kunz's testimony, he gave the children morphine injections but it was Magda Goebbels and Stumpfegger, Hitler's personal doctor, who then administered the cyanide.<ref>{{cite book
237 පේළිය:
* Browning, Christopher (2004) ''The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy'' ISBN 0-434-01227-0
* Evans, Richard J. (2005) ''The Third Reich in Power 1933-1939'' ISBN 0-7139-9649-8
* Evans, Richard J. (2004) ''The Coming of the Third Reich'' ISBN 0-14114-00975100975-6
* Fest, Joachim (1970) ''The Face of the Third Reich'' ISBN 0-297-17949-7
* Fest, Joachim (1996) ''Plotting Hitler’s Death: The German Resistance to Hitler 1933-1945'' ISBN 0-297-81774-4
245 පේළිය:
* Kershaw, Ian (1999) ''Hitler'' ISBN 0-393-04671-0
* Read, Anthony and Fisher, David (1994) ''Berlin: The Biography of a City'' ISBN 0-09-178021-7
* Tooze, Adam (2006) ''The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy'' ISBN 0-7137139-995669566-1
* Vinogradov, V.K. and others ''Hitler's Death: Russia's Last Great Secret from the Files of the KGB'' ISBN 1-904904449-4491313-1
 
== Notes ==
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[[lb:Joseph Goebbels]]
[[lt:Joseph Goebbels]]
[[lv:Jozefs Gēbelss]]
[[mk:Јозеф Гебелс]]
[[ml:ജോസഫ് ഗീബല്‍സ്]]
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