"ජෝසෆ් ගොබල්ස්" හි සංශෝධන අතර වෙනස්කම්

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සංස්
සංස්
55 පේළිය:
"National and socialist! What goes first, and what comes afterwards?" Goebbels asked rhetorically in a debate with [[Theodor Vahlen]], [[Gauleiter]] (regional party head) of [[Pomerania]], in the [[Rhineland]] party newspaper ''National-sozialistische Briefe'' (National-Socialist Letters), of which he was editor, in mid 1925. "With us in the west, there can be no doubt. First socialist redemption, then comes national liberation like a whirlwind… Hitler stands between both opinions, but he is on his way to coming over to us completely."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 272</ref> Goebbels, with his journalistic skills, thus soon became a key ally of Strasser in his struggle with the Bavarians over the party programme. The conflict was not, so they thought, with Hitler, but with his lieutenants, [[Rudolf Hess]], [[Julius Streicher]] and [[Hermann Esser]], who, they said, were mismanaging the party in Hitler’s absence. In 1925, Goebbels published an open letter to "my friends of the left," urging unity between socialists and Nazis against the [[capitalism|capitalists]]. "You and I," he wrote, "we are fighting one another although we are not really enemies."<ref>Fest, ''The Face of the Third Reich'', 89. These sentiments were reciprocated by some on the [[left-wing|left]]. Richard F. Hamilton, ''Who Voted for Hitler?'', Princeton University Press 1982, 570 quotes strikingly anti-Semitic statements made by some German Communist leaders in their efforts to create a common front between Communist and National Socialist workers.</ref>
 
In February 1926, Hitler, having finished working on ''[[Mein Kampf]]'', made a sudden return to party affairs and soon disabused the northerners of any illusions about where he stood. He summoned about sixty gauleiters and other activists, including Goebbels, to a meeting at [[Bamberg]], in Streicher’s Gau of [[Franconia]], where he gave a two-hour speech repudiating the political programme of the "socialist" wing of the party. For Hitler, the real enemy of the German people was always the Jews, not the [[capitalism|capitalists]]. Goebbels was bitterly disillusioned. "I feel devastated," he wrote. "What sort of Hitler? A [[reactionary]]?" He was horrified by Hitler’s characterization of socialism as "a Jewish creation," his declaration that the [[Sovietසෝවියට් Unionසංගමය]] must be destroyed, and his assertion that private property would not be expropriated by a Nazi government. "I no longer fully believe in Hitler. That’s the terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 275</ref>
 
Hitler, however, recognized Goebbels’s talents, and he was a shrewd judge of character; he knew that Goebbels craved recognition above all else. In April, he brought Goebbels to Munich, sending his own car to meet him at the railway station, and gave him a long private audience. Hitler berated Goebbels over his support for the "socialist" line, but offered to "wipe the slate clean" if Goebbels would now accept his leadership. Goebbels capitulated completely, offering Hitler his total loyalty — a pledge which was clearly sincere, and which he adhered to until the end of his life. "I love him… He has thought through everything," Goebbels wrote. "Such a sparkling mind can be my leader. I bow to the greater one, the political [[genius]]. Later he wrote: "Adolf Hitler, I love you because you are both great and simple at the same time. What one calls a genius."<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler'', I, 277</ref> Fest writes:
214 පේළිය:
As it was, Goebbels had no intention of trying to escape. Voss later recounted: "When Goebbels learned that Hitler had committed suicide, he was very depressed and said: 'It is a great pity that such a man is not with us any longer. But there is nothing to be done. For us, everything is lost now and the only way left for us is the one which Hitler chose. I shall follow his example'."<ref name="Vinogradov, Hitler's Death, 156">Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 156</ref>
 
On 1 May, within hours of Hitler's suicide on 30 April, Goebbels completed his sole official act as Chancellor of Germany (''Reichskanzler''). He dictated a letter and ordered German General [[Hans Krebs (general)|Hans Krebs]], under a [[white flag]], to meet with General [[Vasily Chuikov]] and to deliver his letter. Chuikov, as commander of the [[Soviet 8th Guards Army]], commanded the Soviet forces in central Berlin. Goebbels' letter informed Chuikov of Hitler's death and requested a ceasefire, hinting that the establishment of a National Socialist government hostile to Western [[plutocracy]] would be beneficial to the [[Sovietසෝවියට් Unionසංගමය]], as the betrayal of Himmler and Göring indicated that otherwise anti-Soviet National Socialist elements might align themselves with the West. When this was rejected, Goebbels decided that further efforts were futile.<ref>Vinogradov, ''Hitler's Death'', 324</ref> Shortly afterwards he dictated a postscript to Hitler's testament:
 
<blockquote>"The Führer has given orders for me, in case of a breakdown of defense of the Capital of the Reich, to leave Berlin and to participate as a leading member in a government appointed by him. For the first time in my life, I must categorically refuse to obey a command of the Führer. My wife and my children agree with this refusal. In any other case, I would feel myself… a dishonorable renegade and vile scoundrel for my entire further life, who would lose the esteem of himself along with the esteem of his people, both of which would have to form the requirement for further duty of my person in designing the future of the German Nation and the German Reich."<ref>[http://hitlernews.cloudworth.com/death-of-leading-nazis/death-of-joseph-goebbels.html Death of Joseph Goebbels]</ref></blockquote>
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